{"id":6119,"date":"2026-04-22T12:47:31","date_gmt":"2026-04-22T10:47:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nosrevolutions.fr\/?p=6119"},"modified":"2026-04-22T12:47:32","modified_gmt":"2026-04-22T10:47:32","slug":"edito-et-si-nous-vivions-le-moment-dimitrov","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nosrevolutions.fr\/en\/2026\/04\/22\/edito-et-si-nous-vivions-le-moment-dimitrov\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c9DITO. Et si nous vivions le \u00ab\u00a0moment Dimitrov\u00a0\u00bb ?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Un d\u00e9jeuner \u00ab courtois \u00bb. Des \u00e9changes \u00ab sans tabou \u00bb.\u00a0 Une discussion \u00ab transparente \u00bb sur la fiscalit\u00e9, les normes, l\u2019entreprise. Ainsi Jordan Bardella r\u00e9sume sa rencontre avec le bureau ex\u00e9cutif du Medef.<\/strong> Deux heures d\u2019entretien poli, dans le cadre d\u00e9sormais classique des \u00e9changes entre patronat et forces politiques. Rien, en apparence, que de tr\u00e8s banal. Et pourtant, tout est l\u00e0.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Car ce moment marque une rupture silencieuse : l\u2019extr\u00eame droite ne frappe plus \u00e0 la porte du pouvoir \u00e9conomique, elle y est invit\u00e9e<\/strong>. En France, une digue c\u00e8de. Ce rendez-vous, au sommet de l\u2019organisation patronale, acte un degr\u00e9 in\u00e9dit de normalisation depuis l\u2019apr\u00e8s-guerre. Ce qui frappe, ce n\u2019est pas la rencontre. C\u2019est son \u00e9vidence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Du c\u00f4t\u00e9 du patronat, on explique qu\u2019il faut parler \u00e0 tous, que le Rassemblement national \u00ab p\u00e8se lourd \u00bb. Du c\u00f4t\u00e9 du RN, on r\u00e9pond qu\u2019il ne s\u2019agit pas de s\u2019aligner, mais de dialoguer. Tout se passe comme si cela allait de soi. Comme si une force politique qui pr\u00e9tend rompre avec l\u2019ordre \u00e9tabli pouvait, dans le m\u00eame mouvement, en rechercher la reconnaissance, sans contradiction<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

C\u2019est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment cette absence de contradiction qui doit alerter. Car la fiction d\u2019une extr\u00eame droite \u00ab anti-syst\u00e8me \u00bb ne tient plus<\/strong>. Ce qui se donne \u00e0 voir est clair : une force politique qui revendique la \u00ab libert\u00e9 d\u2019entreprendre \u00bb, promet de \u00ab lever les verrous normatifs \u00bb, adresse des signaux constants au monde \u00e9conomique et travaille \u00e0 appara\u00eetre comme une force de gouvernement cr\u00e9dible aux yeux des classes dominantes. Ce n\u2019est pas une d\u00e9rive. C\u2019est une strat\u00e9gie. Ce moment n\u2019est pas in\u00e9dit. Il a \u00e9t\u00e9 pens\u00e9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

En 1935, au VIIe congr\u00e8s du Komintern, Georgi Dimitrov rompt avec les lectures morales du fascisme. Il ne le d\u00e9crit pas comme une anomalie, mais comme une forme de pouvoir <\/strong>: \u00ab la dictature terroriste ouverte des \u00e9l\u00e9ments les plus r\u00e9actionnaires, les plus chauvins et les plus imp\u00e9rialistes du capital financier <\/em>\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Autrement dit : le fascisme n\u2019est pas contre le capital. Il est une de ses formes de gouvernement en temps de crise<\/strong>. Le capital ne dispara\u00eet pas. Il se reconfigure. Et pour se maintenir, il mobilise. Dimitrov est pr\u00e9cis : le fascisme avance par \u00ab sa d\u00e9magogie sans bornes <\/em>\u00bb. Il capte les col\u00e8res, parle au peuple, promet la rupture tout en consolidant ses appuis au c\u0153ur m\u00eame du pouvoir. C\u2019est cette double logique qui fait sa force : une rh\u00e9torique de rupture, et une strat\u00e9gie d\u2019int\u00e9gration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ce que nous voyons aujourd\u2019hui, c\u2019est exactement cela. Il ne s\u2019agit pas encore d\u2019un bloc pleinement constitu\u00e9 mais d\u2019un processus ; celui par lequel une force marginale devient acceptable, puis fr\u00e9quentable, puis gouvernable. Celui par lequel certaines fractions des classes dominantes cessent de voir dans l\u2019extr\u00eame droite un risque et commencent \u00e0 y voir une solution. Non par adh\u00e9sion ; mais par calcul.<\/strong> Parce qu\u2019elle appara\u00eet capable de restaurer l\u2019ordre, de discipliner le travail, de stabiliser un syst\u00e8me fragilis\u00e9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mais le texte de Dimitrov est une le\u00e7on. Celle d\u2019une d\u00e9faite. Dans les ann\u00e9es 1930, le mouvement ouvrier, divis\u00e9, enferm\u00e9 dans ses certitudes, a \u00e9chou\u00e9 \u00e0 construire une strat\u00e9gie majoritaire face au fascisme. Le r\u00e9sultat est connu : l\u2019isolement, l\u2019impuissance, et la victoire d\u2019Hitler. De cet \u00e9chec na\u00eet une rupture : abandonner le sectarisme, construire l\u2019unit\u00e9, et avec elle, une question qui reste enti\u00e8re : peut-on gagner en restant seul ?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dimitrov r\u00e9pond sans ambigu\u00eft\u00e9 : non. Face \u00e0 un adversaire structur\u00e9, capable d\u2019agr\u00e9ger, de mobiliser, de construire un bloc, l\u2019isolement n\u2019est pas une radicalit\u00e9. C\u2019est une faiblesse<\/strong>. La division n\u2019est pas une richesse. C\u2019est une d\u00e9faite en puissance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aujourd\u2019hui, cette question revient. Le trumpisme structure une base sociale durable.
La ligne de Benjamin Netanyahou banalise la guerre comme mode de gouvernement.
Et en France, Marine Le Pen est en situation de gouverner. Partout, la m\u00eame dynamique : une droite autoritaire qui ne proteste plus, elle se pr\u00e9pare \u00e0 exercer le pouvoir et \u00e0 le garder co\u00fbte que co\u00fbte<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

C\u2019est ici que le d\u00e9bat cesse d\u2019\u00eatre th\u00e9orique. Car si nous sommes bien dans le moment o\u00f9 le capital, en crise, int\u00e8gre et l\u00e9gitime des forces autoritaires, alors une seule question compte : comment \u00eatre \u00e0 la hauteur de l\u2019enjeu ?<\/strong> Le danger n\u2019est pas seulement la progression du Rassemblement national. Le danger, c\u2019est sa banalisation, sa l\u00e9gitimation, son int\u00e9gration aux sph\u00e8res de gouvernement, puis sa victoire.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Et face \u00e0 cela, il n\u2019y a pas de place pour les demi-mesures, ou pour la puret\u00e9 militante. C\u2019est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment le sens du texte que nous d\u00e9fendons pour le 40\u1d49 congr\u00e8s. Non pas ajouter une orientation de plus. Mais tirer toutes les cons\u00e9quences du moment politique<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dire clairement que battre l\u2019extr\u00eame droite n\u2019est pas une bataille parmi d\u2019autres, mais un imp\u00e9ratif absolu. Refuser les strat\u00e9gies hors-sol, les replis, les lignes qui condamnent \u00e0 l\u2019impuissance. Assumer la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 d\u2019un mouvement populaire majoritaire, d\u2019un rassemblement r\u00e9el, d\u2019une offensive politique.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Car l\u2019histoire ne repasse pas les plats. En 1935, il a fallu reconna\u00eetre, trop tard, que l\u2019isolement menait \u00e0 la d\u00e9faite. Aujourd\u2019hui, nous savons.<\/strong> Nous savons ce que produit la division. Nous savons ce que co\u00fbte l\u2019impuissance. Nous savons ce que signifie laisser faire. Alors ne commentons plus le r\u00e9el, transformons le.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Remettons le Parti communiste \u00e0 l\u2019offensive, construisons un outil utile au peuple, ancr\u00e9 dans le r\u00e9el, tourn\u00e9 vers la victoire. Un parti qui ne t\u00e9moigne pas, mais qui agit. Qui ne s\u2019adapte pas au basculement, mais qui le combat<\/strong>.\u00a0 Qui ne regarde pas passer l\u2019histoire, mais qui choisit d\u2019y prendre part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Image d’illustration : \u00ab\u00a0The garden of the Museum of Socialist Art in Sofia, Bulgaria, displays larger than life statues of Communist leaders Georgi Dimitrov (1949) and Lenin (1971).\u00a0\u00bb, photographie du 16 mai 2019 par David Stanley<\/a> (CC BY 2.0<\/a>)<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Un d\u00e9jeuner \u00ab courtois \u00bb. Des \u00e9changes \u00ab sans tabou \u00bb.\u00a0 Une discussion \u00ab transparente \u00bb sur la fiscalit\u00e9, les normes, l\u2019entreprise. Ainsi Jordan Bardella r\u00e9sume sa rencontre avec le […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":6120,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_EventAllDay":false,"_EventTimezone":"","_EventStartDate":"","_EventEndDate":"","_EventStartDateUTC":"","_EventEndDateUTC":"","_EventShowMap":false,"_EventShowMapLink":false,"_EventURL":"","_EventCost":"","_EventCostDescription":"","_EventCurrencySymbol":"","_EventCurrencyCode":"","_EventCurrencyPosition":"","_EventDateTimeSeparator":"","_EventTimeRangeSeparator":"","_EventOrganizerID":[],"_EventVenueID":[],"_OrganizerEmail":"","_OrganizerPhone":"","_OrganizerWebsite":"","_VenueAddress":"","_VenueCity":"","_VenueCountry":"","_VenueProvince":"","_VenueState":"","_VenueZip":"","_VenuePhone":"","_VenueURL":"","_VenueStateProvince":"","_VenueLat":"","_VenueLng":"","_VenueShowMap":false,"_VenueShowMapLink":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[12],"tags":[31,51],"class_list":["post-6119","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-edito","tag-extreme-droite","tag-gauche"],"yoast_head":"\n\u00c9DITO. 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