A few weeks ago, following Die Linke’s return to the stage in the German elections (with 8.8% of the vote and 64 seats in the Bundestag), Nos Révolutions published an interview with Janis Ehling, the party’s number two. Today, we offer the full translation in extenso of the speeches delivered by Heidi Reichinnek, chair of the parliamentary group, and Ines Schwerdtner, president of "Die Linke, at the party congress held on May 9, 2025, in Chemnitz.
Translated by Odile Planson, PhD candidate in German studies and activist with the French Communist Party (PCF).
Heidi Reichinnek: “There must be at least one party that stands uncompromisingly alongside those who fight every day just to get by.”
"Dear comrades,
"Die Linke is back. Thanks to you. We have accomplished what no one thought possible anymore. We have a strong parliamentary group in the Bundestag. We have over 112,000 members, and we are changing this country for the better. Every day, step by step, never alone, always together. And even if I’m repeating what Jan (van Aken, T.N.1) has already said, I simply want to say thank you. To each and every one of you. And I ask you to pass this message on in your local branches, grassroots groups, everywhere you are involved. Thank you for never giving up. Thank you for every poster, every information booth, every office hour, every local mandate, every public meeting. Everything you organized made a difference. That is what brought us here. And honestly, it’s really, really amazing.
Yes, sometimes we lose together. But we also win together. And it feels incredibly good to have finally won again. And we managed to do it in the Bundestag. So why shouldn’t we achieve this year in North Rhine-Westphalia the best result in our history in the local elections? Why shouldn’t we also succeed next year in Bavaria, Hesse, and Lower Saxony? Why shouldn’t we, for the first time, have a parliamentary group in the Länder of Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden-Württemberg? And why shouldn’t we regain our historic stronghold in Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania?
Obviously, you can see there will be a tremendous amount of work for all of us next year. We were the leading force in Berlin during the federal elections. So why couldn’t we be again in the elections for the Berlin House of Representatives? For the first time, electing a Die Linke mayor in Berlin : that’s a goal!
And now I’m asked all the time: “Ms. Reichinnek, how did "Die Linke manage this?” Well, thanks to you. Because we fight together. Because we don’t just talk—we listen and provide concrete help. Because we keep the promises we make. And that, in politics, is exceptional. Because we are not for sale. Because we fight uncompromisingly for what we believe in: a society based on social justice and solidarity. No matter how strong the reactionary winds blow. And they are blowing stronger and stronger.
Last year, they still looked down on us, rejoicing that "Die Linke was down for the count. But today? Today, they are afraid. All those super-rich, macho reactionaries, bosses, and the Springer press2 —they’re tremblingLook at what they write about us: "Die Linke wants to abolish capitalism.” Well, someone among you must have said that—I would never say such a thing... or maybe I would!
But seriously: yes, we want to abolish an economic system where the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. A system where retirees collect deposit bottles and children go to school hungry. Where the unemployed are harassed, and people are increasingly exploited. A system where we lose loved ones too soon because hospitals have to turn a profit, where inclusion, unfortunately, isn’t profitable, and where people are thus excluded from society. Yes, we want to abolish such a system. Because no matter what the conservatives, neoliberals, or the far right claim, such a system has nothing to do with democracy.
And if it’s radical to demand that everyone has what they need to live, if it’s radical to claim rights and freedoms for all, with no one excluded or targeted, then yes, we are radical. Because it has to be done—today. Those who, against all evidence, keep saying on talk shows that the cashier’s enemy is the neighbor receiving welfare—they are the ones endangering democracy. Those who spread hatred against refugees, the unemployed, and queer people to distract from their own scams—they too threaten democracy. And those who pit people against each other to better exploit the majority for their obscene wealth—they also pose a threat to democracy.
But one thing is certain: in this society, the majority of people share the same fate. They work themselves to the bone and do not receive even the minimum needed to live with dignity. That’s why we say: we will not allow ourselves to be divided.. What unites us is stronger than what divides us. We have the power to change things by raising, together, the questions of ownership and distribution. And that’s exactly what scares them up there, in the boardrooms. Because they know that if we unite, nothing can stop us. So let’s do it—and let them finally learn to be afraid.
Perhaps you remember that Friedrich Merz said before the elections: “The left is finished.” This guy has often been wrong. He also thought he would become chancellor on his first try3. But his biggest mistake was that. Because the left is not finished. The left is the future. And yes, our polls show it. But above all, that pitiful coalition agreement based on blindness and social contempt proves it too. And the daily conversations we keep having with people prove it even more.
Because there must be at least one party that stands uncompromisingly alongside those who fight every day just to get by. Those who can no longer pay their rent, who earn too little for hard work, or who have almost no retirement after working hard their entire lives. A party that does not accept child poverty or poverty among the elderly. A party that insists a dignified life for everyone is possible. And we are convinced of it.
There also needs to be a party firmly opposed to militarization and the limitless arms race. We’re being told that hospitals must become “war-ready.” The military is organizing recruitment events in schools and universities. The return of compulsory military service is in the works. And suddenly, the liberals and conservatives who for years defended the sacred rule of the “debt brake” are ready to abandon it—but only for military spending. We will not take part in that.
And as always, during the campaign, the issue of families was barely mentioned. Yet there needs to be a party that cares uncompromisingly about families—all families. A party that doesn’t distinguish between “good” and “bad” families. A party that doesn’t leave young people alone facing crises but supports and empowers them. A party that aims to guarantee the best possible education for everyone, free of charge. That’s the very least, isn’t it?
And there needs to be an uncompromising feminist party that demands equal pay and a fair distribution of caregiving and educational work. One that clearly says: repeal Article 2184 ! A party that takes the health of women and queer people seriously, that knows the words “endometriosis” and “lipedema”, and that protects all women—including trans women and refugee women—from violence. Because attacking one of us is attacking all of us.
And finally, there needs to be a party that uncompromisingly states that the economy serves people, not the other way around. The economy is not an end in itself. Economic success must not come at the expense of workers or the environment. Low wages, social breakdown, indifference to the climate crisis—all so a few become ever richer: we will never accept that.
And finally, and this is truly the last point: we live in a time when the far right is gaining more and more ground. In some polls, the AfD is already leading. And for years, people in this country have suffered violence from fascists: they’ve been insulted, threatened, persecuted, and attacked. And now, even the intelligence services acknowledge it: the AfD is clearly far-right. About time! But it’s better than nothing. Yet still, too many people, too many politicians, just shrug and say the AfD should be treated like any other party.
No, damn it, no! The AfD is a far-right party. It is a danger to democracy, to our physical safety, to our lives. Anyone who downplays this is paving the way for the fascistsThis needs to be understood once and for all. The ban on the AfD has been long overdue. No more excuses: the AfD must be banned—immediately! And if there’s one word I never want to hear again, it’s “disenchantment”. They claim to disenchant the AfD using the very same policies that made it strong. It’s absurd.
What’s needed is sound social policy that provides security for people. Investments are needed—especially for local communities—to prevent hospital closures, keep buses running, and keep youth centers open. But the new coalition does none of this. The CDU, meanwhile, arranges tax breaks for the ultra-rich. The SPD is mostly focused on its own government survival. And the AfD organizes hate. But we organize hope.
And to conclude, I am not only speaking to those of you here in this room but also to everyone who may be watching us by chance. Because you might be a female worker, a single mother, an academic, a retiree, queer, a migrant, or maybe just a fiery woman who never shuts up. Well, you’re one of us! Yes, you!
You’re the one we’ve been waiting for. Look around you: these people are your own. So come with us. Because we are many—and we will only grow in number. So, dear comrades, I’ll say it one last time: "Die Linkeis us, and we are just getting started. And Jan was right: this applause is for you, for everything you have accomplished during this campaign, beyond your limits. This applause is for you. Thank you. Thank you for everything you do every day for us.”
Ines Schwerdtner: “Schröder, Linnemann, and Merz despise our people, and that’s why we despise their politics.”
" Some of us never make it to retirement age. They count the years, they count their pension points. The poor die earlier. My father is one of them. He didn’t make it to retirement. Neither did my uncle, nor my other uncle, nor many others. Because those crushed by the system are the first to go. For them, life was a long calculation: how many days until the start of the month? When will the heating bill arrive? And what if the washing machine breaks down?
They are people like my father for whom we make politics. And with whom we want to do politics. When Heidi says she wants to go beyond capitalism, it’s not just empty talk. It means tackling an economic system that oppresses people. It means restoring their dignity and health. That is the passionate core of our political commitment, dear comrades.
We’ve gained so much during this campaign—trust, credibility, and the power to act. We’ve achieved what seemed impossible just a few months ago. But our path toward a class-based party that organizes the struggles and the workers is only just beginning. We drafted this strategic motion without even knowing the election results. We had no idea at the time. What’s beautiful is that it remains accurate despite everything.
And even more: with this reckless snap election, the forced march of militarization, attacks on our rights and the welfare state, now more than ever we need an organization capable of fighting back against this madness. We are back—and they better watch out. Tandis que d’autres s’adaptent totalement au « tournant historique5 “We carry internationalism and solidarity. Where others strike downwards, we protect those fleeing war or in need of help. Never alone, always together!”
With this congress, we commit to becoming the party we need: a party that organizes, a party capable of campaigning, a party with a clear vision, a party that is like a university for everyone. A party that trains us. A party where workers and the poor find their place. Where experienced comrades can pass on the wealth of their knowledge. A party where the many young people who have joined us can build a vision for another society, a society based on solidarity.
We are the place of hope.
And, dear comrades, what matters most to me these days is that we develop a new party culture. You know, I always talk about “revolutionary kindness,”and I truly mean it.
We criticize each other harshly. In this strategic motion, we will also fight for positions we consider not only central and important, but perhaps even fundamental to our shared identity here. But we must never turn a comrade into a scapegoat when it’s really a matter of fundamental or programmatic disagreement..
That’s why this motion also states: we must establish collective, clear, and binding decision-making processes, especially when disagreements arise between federal and regional levels. It is our shared responsibility to be a learning organization. We want to embed this new culture in the motion. This doesn’t mean never making mistakes or stopping debates. It’s about building a culture that doesn’t tear us apart. Because the external attacks are too strong, and our task is far too great. So let’s stand in solidarity with one another. Because only a united organization can still credibly carry forward the fight for a society based on solidarity. I want us to be that party.
But this society of solidarity doesn’t stop at borders. As internationalists, we fight for fair working conditions worldwide, for fair trade, and for a foreign policy that respects international law without applying double standards. We stand together with our sister parties across Europe. Some of them are even with us today — welcome to you all. A warm welcome. Together, we fight for a democratic, solidaristic, and social Europe. A Europe that goes beyond the current authoritarian militarization policies of the EU. Because while Rheinmetall's profits soar, working people are collapsing.
Children are currently starving before our very eyes in Gaza — deliberately. We are the resistance against this. Against budget cuts, against armament, against war. No double standards when it comes to war criminals. Never again war, never again fascism. This is more true than ever, here and now, on May 9th in Chemnitz.
A good friend of mine, Christian Baron, wrote a few years ago the book Ein Mann seiner Klasse6. Christian's father would have needed this party. So would my father. Similarly, the French writer Édouard Louis spoke of political leaders who "killed" his father. Macron, Sarkozy – they obviously didn't literally kill him. But their policies trapped him in a world of alcohol, violence, unemployment, and shame. In Germany, those political figures are named Gerhard Schröder, Carsten Linnemann, and Friedrich Merz. They despise people like us—and that's why we despise their policies.
And I want to tell you, dear comrades: let's not delude ourselves. This week, the CDU approached us for the first time7. All of this has been difficult for us. Difficult to believe, even. We didn't know who around the table was more uncomfortable. But they came because they were forced to, because we've become too strong to be ignored. Yet nothing, absolutely nothing, will be handed to us for free. We know that. Every step forward, even from the opposition, we'll have to earn.
Not for the sake of fighting, but because we want—and need—to win things for our people. We are the social opposition in the Bundestag.
So, let's make policy with these incredible 112,000 members, for our people, for their lives, and for their dignity. It's time for real change. The new government is one of despair. We, on the other hand, are going to organize hope. Thank you."
- Jan van Aken is co-leader of the party with Ines Schwerdtner. ↩︎
- The Springer press: this refers to the conservative media group Axel Springer, one of the most powerful in Germany. It notably owns the tabloid Bild, the newspaper Die Welt and other titles known for their conservative, even reactionary, editorial line. ↩︎
- On May 6, 2025, Friedrich Merz was elected Chancellor in the second round of voting, failing to secure an absolute majority in the first. This marks a first in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. ↩︎
- Article 218 of the German Criminal Code considers abortion a criminal offense. Although it is nonetheless permitted under certain conditions, abortion is therefore not covered by social security in Germany. ↩︎
- The 'historic turning point' (Zeitenwende) refers here to the speech delivered by Chancellor Olaf Scholz on February 27, 2022, before the Bundestag, three days after Russia's invasion of Ukraine began. In it, he announced a radical shift in German defense policy, notably marking a break with post-war pacifism, as well as a program of massive investments in the military. ↩︎
- "A man of his class." ↩︎
- After Friedrich Merz's failure to win the chancellorship in the first round of voting in the Bundestag on May 6, 2025, organizing a second vote on the same day required a two-thirds majority to amend the agenda. Refusing any cooperation with the AfD, the CDU and SPD sought the support of the Greens and Die Linke to reach this qualified majority. This move marked a break with the CDU's 2018 incompatibility resolution, which ruled out any collaboration with Die Linke. ↩︎
Illustration image: "Außerordentlicher Bundesparteitag der Partei Die Linke am 18. Januar 2025 in Berlin: Parteilogo", photograph from January 17, 2025, by Sandro Halank (CC BY-SA 4.0)
Image of Heidi Reichinnek: "Heidi Reichinnek, MdB auf der Fraktionsebene im Reichstagsgebäude.", photograph from October 14, 2021, by Jannis Hutt (CC BY 4.0)
Image of Ines Schwerdtner: "Außerordentlicher Bundesparteitag der Partei Die Linke am 18. Januar 2025 in Berlin: Ines Schwerdtner", photograph from January 17, 2025, by Sandro Halank (CC BY-SA 4.0)
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